The Free Soil Banner Vol I. No. 04.

              EDITED AUD PUBLISHED BY W. B. GREER &L. WALLACE]
V vJxJa     ie
i-JGLs THE fueema::, whom truti-i makes freb; ajd all ARE sla yes beside.-
[PRINTED BY DOUGLASS & ELDER.
NiOIAMAPOLI
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FRIDAY
SEPTE.MBER,15,   1848.
PUBLICATION OFFICE OF THE
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Three doors north of Washbgton Street.
. 111'. AilaBfts's,Iietter, Aeceptteg tiie Buffalo W®iMiBafi«>ii»- •
[COKRESPONDENCE. ]
New York, Aug. 16, 1848. Ho7i. C. F, Adams, Quincy, Mass.
Sie: We have the honor to inform you, that after you left the Chair of the Na¬ tional Free Soil Convention, lately held at Buffalo, and of which you were President, we were appointed a committee to apprise you that you had been nominated by the ConYontion, as its candidate for the office of Yice President of the United States, and to solicit your acceptance of such nom¬ ination.
Y'our personal knowledge of the objects, character and proceedings of the Conven¬ tion, s,upercede.s the necessity of saying anything, in this place, upon either of these points; aad we trust also, that a simple reference to the unexampled unanimity and enthusiasm with which its principles were proclaimed, and its candidates se¬ lected, will be a sufficient argument to in¬ duce you to accept the nomination you received.
While each of the undersigned cordially unites in this sentiment, it is due to the State of Ohio, represented by one of them, that he should especially express it, since the selection of a candidate for the Yice Presidency was, in the first instance, ac¬ corded to that State; thus making you, in a peculiar sense, her nominee on the ticket proposed by the Convention to the Ameri¬ can people.
We are, Sir, with high respect and Esteem, your obedient servants, '   .B. F. BUTLER, J. L. WHITE, S. P. CHASE, Committee of the National Free Soil ConYention, held at Buffalo, New York.
At the same time it would be unjust to accompany such a victory with any feel¬ ings of acrimony or ill-wUl towards the individual mernbers of the losing side.— The slaveholding section of the Union merits, our sympathy, even while the ag¬ gressive policy meets with the firmest re¬ sistance. For the time may yet come when those who now regard the declara¬ tions of the Buffalo Platform as a vindictive assault upon their dearest interests, will construe them rather to be the preserva¬ tion of their highest moral and political rights. Ours is not a contest with geo- graphically defined sections of country, nor with organized commimities of men. It is a struggle to sustain principles of in¬ estimable value in every land, of general application wherever society is established.
Success with us is the synonym only of that extension of the greatest blessings which good government can most certainly be expected to confer upon the human race. Assiich we hail its approach, not so much for the good it may do tons as to all those who may now regard it as por- tendiog nothing but injury to themselves.
I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of the highest respect, your obedient servant,  ' .    '   CHAELES FBANCIS ADAMS.   .
To Hon. B. F. Butler, J. L. White, and
S. P. Chase, Committee of the National
Free Soil Convention, held at Bufialo,
New York.
Quincy, August 22, 1848.
Gentlebiem : I have just received your official letter, apprising me of the great honor done me by the Convention which you represent, in nominating me as its can¬ didate for the ofiice of Vice President of the United States, and also soliciting my acceptance of the nomination.
In reply, permit'me to say that it had been my hope and my expectation to be able to act in the present canvass as one of the humblest, but not of the least ear¬ nest and devoted servants of the great cause in which we are engaged^ but since it has pleased my fellow-laborers, and es¬ pecially the noble representatives of the greit State of Ohio, to whom in your let¬ ter you particularly allude, to call upon me, most unexpectedly to myself, to stand in the front ranks of the contest; since it is their wUl, unequivocally expressed, that I should be a candidate for the second of¬ fice in the Union, I am not the man to re¬ fuse to acknowledge the obligation, or to shrink by a moment's hesitation, from the post not less of duty than of honor, which they assign me. I accept most cheerfully of the nomination.
The fathers of the Eepublic, nurtured in the great school of Liberty, opened by the reformation, aitned to dlustrate, by a practical example in America, the excel¬ lence of their cherished theory of gov¬ ernment. To the general success of their experiment, commenced in 1776, and car¬ ried forward in 1789, a lapse of more than half a century has borne witness.
But unfortunately, the same period has also developed the existence of an adverse ihfluence incautiously admitted at the out¬ set, which has thus far done much to quah i ify the beneficial results which have been attained from it.
That which at first seemed only a de¬ flection from the path of justice in favor of' vested rights and a privileged class, has, by degi*ees, sliown itself to be so wide a divergeiicy, that the only choice now left to the people of the United States, is either to turn back or else, by going farther for¬ ward, voluntarily to abandon the princi¬ ples with which their fathers started. The alternative is clearly presented of the ex¬ tension of slavery oyer the whole breadth of the North American continent, or the main¬ tenance of the fundamental doctrines of the Declaration of Independence. The two things cannot exist in the United States. Begret it as we may, we can neither evade nor refuse the issue made up for us. _ Not to accept it is equivalent in my mind to disserting a great moral, social and political tj^iutb, at a rnoment when every known rule of human duty would seem to demand the coitiplete establishment of it oyer the minds of a free people.
With these feelings, I have read, again and again, the Platform of Principles laid down by tlie Buffalo Convention, I ha,il it as the signal of return to the path of the xevolutionary patriots, as the area of ad¬ vance in the theory of Free Democracy.
There are now but two living antagonist principles in the politics of the Untied States. The one which shelters itself un¬ der the cover of human force, and the other ¦which draws its vitality from human rea¬ son and human sympathy- To all those ¦who have confidence in the capacity of man for self-government, it must be a source of great satisfaction to believe that the period when the last of these princi¬ ples will triumph in th© United • States is yapidly approaching.
Ex-ISoveriiOP, TIioHias mi , Free Soil. The following is the letter from the Hon. Francis Thomas, Ex-Goverilor of Maryland, ttf which we referred in yesterday's paper. It wUl be seen that It was addressed to the Committee of Cor¬ respondence, and of course it would have been read before the recent Convention af Union Hall, had it been received in time. Coming.from such a source, at this'extra¬ ordinary juncture of political afiairs, it will doubtless be perused with interest by all classes of readers. We therefore place it on record, as a part of the histo¬ ry of the times.—-Tfe Smw.
.    Alleg-anv CoTTNTT, Aug. 26, ,1848.
Gentlemen :—^Your letter, dated on the 19th of this month, inviting me to be pre¬ sent at a Mass State Convention, at "Un¬ ion Hall," in the city of Baltimore, on Wednesday next, has been forwarded from my house in Frederick to my tem¬ porary residence in this couiity, where I have been detained for mbre than a month past attending to private business.
From your letter I learn that the prin¬ cipal object of the proposed Convention will be the formation of an Electoral tick¬ et, to be voted for by the people of Mary¬ land,, favorable to the election of Mr. Van Buren to the Presidency.
I have not participated in the proceed¬ ings of any political meeting, large or small, sin>e my canvass for the Chief Ma¬ gistracy of Maryland closed, at a public meeting in the town of Cumberland, early in October, eighteen hundred and forty- one. I am, therefore, under no -obliga¬ tion, express or implied, to support or vote for either one of the nominees of the Na¬ tional Conventions held by the whig and democratic parties, respectively. Being free to make choice of a candidate to be voted for from the three gentlemen who have been brought before the public through the agency of others, I shall most certainly, if I live, and can attend the polls, vote for that electoral ticket which shall stand pledged to vote for Mr, Van Bui-en for the Presidency, and Mr. Adams for the Vice Presidency.
Having neither leisure nor inclination, at this time, to elaborate my reasons for this determination, I shall content myself with saying, that I have great confidence in Mr, Van Buren as a tried Statesman, eminently qualified for the duties imposed by the Constitution on our Chief Magis¬ trates : that in my opinion the whole coun¬ try owe to him much for his distinguish¬ ed agency in giving proud predominance to those great measures of public policy, to the success of which my own political life was, in a very small sphere, devoted ; and that my preference for him, arising from these considerations, instead of being diminished, is increased by the pledge he has given, to follow in the footsteps of those illustrious- patriots and phOanthro- pists who, by adopting the Federal Con¬ stitution that clothed Congress with power to prohibit the African slave trade, signi¬ fied, distinctly, their desire to have the further extension of slavery arrested, and who, by adopting the celebrated ordinance of 1787, forbidding the introduction "of slavery into all the territory then held by the United States, set an -example that ought to have been followed by their pos¬ terity. . .
The opinions here indicated, I have long entertained, and know of no reason why I should not on this occasion give to them distinct utterance. Indeed, so far frora feeling any wish to conceal my opin¬ ions on this subject, I know of no public question, to be decided in the approaching Presidential election, of so much momeilt as: that particularly involved in the nomi¬ nations at Buffalo, or better calculated to awaken my decided preference for the Electoral ticket you propose to have nom¬ inated.   ,        .
Seeing that I cannot attend the sittings of the Convention to be held on Monday next, I must be content with tendering my best wishes for success to your commend¬ able purposes, and am, very respectfully, your fellow-citizen,
FEANCIS THOMAS.
jMessrs. W. Gunnison, K. Gardiner, E. B.; Cunningham, T. H. Stanford and J, E, Siiodgrass, Committee, &c.
ft:5=* The doctrines of  the Free party are spreading like wild fire.
Soil
We have evidence that goeo to show, that there was a pre-existing understand¬ ing , between Gen. Taylor's particular friends and hia northern supporters, that .the Wilmot Proviso was to be PUT DOWN in the Convention. Would tins have been done if C4en. Taylor mms in favor of the Pi'oviso ? No one will credit it. Hilliard of Alabama, a;distinguished whig, w:as drawn out as follows, in a debate in Con¬ gress, onthe 1st inst.
"Cobb, of Georgia, asked the gentle¬ man, (Mr. Hilliard,) if he believed a ma¬ jority of the Philadelphia Convention were opposed to the Wilmot Proviso I
"Mr, Hilliard'replied [mark this] that the northern gentlemen of that body as¬ sured them, that the resolution .should be put down if it was offered ; and by a mo¬ tion of a northern man, a raeinber from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Brown,) when the WUmot Proviso was brought forward it was laid on the table by an overwhelming vote. Heaskedif there could be a strong. er expression of sentiment of that body, and of respect of southern rights than was shown on that vote? .    "
" Mr. Cobb again asked, that there might be no equivocation, did the gentle- ixian from Alabama believe that the ma¬ jority of the Philadelphia Whig Conven¬ tion were opposed to the principles of the Wilmot Proviso t
** Mr. HUliard said that, when the Con¬ vention, in the open light of day, thous¬ ands looking on, did vote to put down the Wilmot Proviso, it gave him the strongest assurance he could ask, that they would stand by the South against it."
It is plain to see what ground the true Taylor .men intended to take. It is this -^that the Wilmot Proviso was brought it}to the Convention tis a test question— tliat being voted down, the Convention and the party are pledged against it, and. that Gen. Taylor, if elected President under that nomination, would be bound to veto a bill containing the Proviso. '
In connection with these facts take the following. Some of our Congressmen have written home, very pathetically urg¬ ing upon the Whigs, the obligation to sup¬ port Gen. Taylor, on the ground that his friends had originally intended to run him as an independent candidate, but that the Whig members of Congress having induced them to go into Convention, it would be a breach of good faith not to sustain the nomination. Now, it may be very pertinently asked, who authorized the members of Congress to bargain away the party to Gen. Taylor, or to mate any such arrangements as they did inakel— And what indhcement did they offer to the Taylor men to bring them into the ar¬ rangement 1 We can imagine but one, and that one, that he should certainly re¬ ceive the nomination; for the Taylor men had always professed to believe, that he was as safe with an independent nomi¬ nation, as he would be if nominated by either party. They would not, then, of course, yield what they considered a cer¬ tainty for an uncertainty—they would not let his name go into the Convention, without an assurance amounting to a mor¬ al certainty of his nomination.—TForces- ter Spy.   .   .
party candidate. But tifter the game of setting up e^dl spirits has been tried two or three tiroes, and has failed on account of the imprkcticability of the "conscietice party," their scruples Aydl be recognized, and Their iporal tastes propitiated in the political ariangements of both or all par¬ ties."      "I '-¦'"¦¦¦. ¦
€!i#lce ©** Evils...
Rev. A. P. Peahody, a distinguished New England clergyman, well known by many in this city, has written a letter to a friend, in reply to the question whether a professing Christian can consistently sup¬ port for the Presidency, either Cass or Taylor. Answering only for hiirtself, he expresses himself strongly against both, and handles the common notion about choosing between evils, in the following admirable and conclusive style:—Her¬ ald.
"But, I am asked, is it not your duty, even if you approve of neither of the two candidtites, to give your iilfluence in behalf of the one whom you least dis¬ approve 'I In reply, I grant that it is not my duty always to insist on the best men and measures, and to withhold the vote from the better, when I cannot have my best. But the case is different, when, in whichever way I vote, 1 must recog¬ nize some false Or vicious principle. This I conceive to be the case in the present crisis. Cass and Taylor are both the de¬ clared and the as-good-as-pledged repre¬ sentatives of the policy of slavery exten- .sion and pro-slavery action; and if they represent aught else, it is the war spirit in the most truculent and revolting ns- pects.
" Time and again, conscientious Chris¬ tian men have been asked to give thefr votes for candidates whom they could not approve, on the ground that the only al- terntitive was the election of such men or worse. Now the responsibdity for the occurrence of the greater of two evils rests with those who offer to the public only a choice of evils. So long as con¬ scientious men will vote without hesitation for the candidates of their respective par¬ ties, moral distinctions and imoral princi¬ ples will remain unrecognized in the nom¬ ination of the.se parties. But let any cotr- siderable number of men avow their dis¬ sent from their respective parties on tno- ral grounds, their consciences will com- mtmd and receive respect in future nomi¬ nations. If Moloch and Belial be the two rival candidates, even though Moloch be the least foul spirit of the two, let good men stay away from the polls, or cast scattering votes for Gabriel. The result may be that Moloch will lose his election, and Belial be chosen. If so, Moloch's party will profess to lay all the blame on the good men, who would not go for the
. ilfelkte of tlie S©iitli.
While \\4 would very-strenuously and with great Hgilance oppose the extension of slavery over any portion of the earth now exempt from its blighting influence, we would Carefully avoid abridging any right whichj belongs to any citizen of the United Sta|es. It is by a proper respect paid to the kdghts of others, that we most effectually secure and protect our own.— And when i difference arise.? between the tellow citizens of a common country, touching tfteir respective rights, it be¬ comes a njatter of great importance to them that ^uch xdghts should be clearly defined, anI well understood.
With regard to the territory which has been "acqi|ired" by our government as the productjof the war upon Mexico, there can be no Aubt but that it belongs alike to all the people of the al,States; and that every citizen stands upon an exact parity of right respecting it. No one citizen pos- sess.ses, or can rightfully claim any privi¬ leges or ijitmunities in relation to such territory ia equal degree, to every other citizen, ill this we claim for ourself, and concede toiall others, as a matter of course, and about which there can be no ground of dispute..
But ourSouthern countrymen claim the right to settle in the territories, and to transfer their property thither; and their slaves beiiig their property, they have as a consequence the right to take and hold their slavep there. This, we think, is beg¬ ging the qtiestion. We "admit their per¬ fect right to settle in the new territories, and to tak4 their property there, precisely as the citizens of Ohio have that right.— And we admit their right, if they choose to take their slaves with them. But we hold that the moment their slaves set their feet upon the sod of these territories with the consent of their masters, frona that moment they cease to be slaves. They are now the property of their masters, because they are made such by the laws of the States where they reside. There are no such lav»fs in the territories; and by the help of God and the people of the United States, there never will be.
Our bretjiren of the South complain that such restriction is an abridgement of their rights—and claim, that as a. matter of right laws should be framed for those ter¬ ritories, constituting that property there¬ in, which the Almighty has invested with immortallity. We recognize no such claim. On the contrary, we insist that to do so would be a manifest and vital in¬ fringement of the rights of the people of the free States of this Union—an infringe¬ ment which has already been too frequent¬ ly perpetrated, and too quickly acquiesced in.
That territory is now free of the plague spot; and the people of the Southern States have all the rights there that are possessed by the people of the North, An exact equality of right prevails. To change the institutioxis of that counlry so as to author¬ ize the introduction of slavery, >vould de¬ stroy their equdibrium. The citizens of the free States who might wish to go thither to reside, would very naturally wish to take with them their schools, which are found very inconvenient concomitants with a state of slavery. Being generally itien of comparatively moderate means, they would wish to cultivate their small farms with their own hands; this would be ex¬ ceedingly unfashionable by the side of the oppulent planter, whose fields are cultiva¬ ted by labor extorted ft-om unwilling hands. They could not, under such circumstan¬ ces, maintain any sort of parity with the man who habitually lives and thrives by the vicarious toil and smart of others than himself. They are assigned a position in social rank, approximating far nearer the servile property of their neighbor, than that of his neighbor himself. In a politi¬ cal view he is degraded to a most humilia¬ ting standard, by the fact that five of his neibhbor's chattels tell as much at an election as himself and two of his peers. Is it reasonable—is it right—that men, schooled in the lessons of freedom, should he asked to submit to such degradation 1 But what wrong, pray is inflicted upon the people of the South, by refraining to pass a special act for their benefit! VVhat warrant have they for demanding that the institutions of these newly acquired terri¬ tories shall be radically changed, to adapt them to the pecuUaj'ities of the Southt— If they are so wedded to these peculiarities that they cannot live apart from them, let them content themselves to remain where the sad peculiarities ax'e tolerated. The very fact that slavery begets a sort of dependence in those who are subject to its influence, is itself an argument against its extension. Men accustomed to self- dependence, loathe the contact. They would no more embrace an institution, the effect of which they are well apprised would be to deprive them of their self-de¬ pendence, than a n^an of temperate habits would deliberately cultivate a taste for in¬ ebriety.
The people of the South have the un¬ doubted right to settle in the newly ac¬ quired territory—and when so settled there, they have a right to all the privi¬ leges which belong to any other people there. They may take their property there, and enjoy it as other people may. But they may not take with tliem a. moral
pestilence to blight the land, and thus de^ prive others who have rights equal with thernselves, of the full enjoyment of their rights.—Ohio State Journal.
An Old Hunicee Fight.—The New Ha¬ ven Palladium, one of the "flecewa/'or¬ gans, has the following in relation to Gen.
Taylor:—
: ThfV know lie's a Whig, and geiiuirie game,
Worlli a dozen sueh m.';n as t^'iiss, Wlio without speUiri'' the C of liis namp, 1b rightly described aa an Ass.
To which the New Haven Register re¬ sponds :¦— ¦
If tills be a fact how snrpri«irig it is
Thnt he does not attract tha Wiiig uiafl.s»»3 i Who m following Taylor, before lie has brayed, . 1 roved thumselvea ihe most verdant of Asses.
_ Information Wanted.—Any informa¬ tion concerning om Lew Cass, mi unfortu¬ nate gentleman, supposed to.be in an un¬ happy state of mind, will de thaidifully received by his anxious friends.
O^In 1840 the Whig party was buried :in the meshes into which it involuntary plunged. Tyler, whose principles were not known, was elected by the Whigs to betray them. But it seems that this par¬ ty is determined not to profit by experi¬ ence ; for they are advocating the election of a man who insists that beds not a party candidate, and who.se principles are less known to the country than were those of Tyler. This was like the inan in the dit¬ ty that got his eyes scratched out in the briar bush, and took the same means to scratch them in again—thus :—
"There was a man in our town,
And he was wondrous wise, .Hej.umped into a briar bush,     ¦ .
And scratched out both his eyes, And when he saw his eyes were.out,
With all,his might aiid main, He jumped into tlTe briar bush,
To scratch them in again."—Cin. Sig.
Freemen AF»iise1 Tine Fires are Bagimg-.
Friends of Free Soill Let your hearts rejoice at the rapid progress of your prin¬ ciples. Gloriously are they advancing.— Throughout the whole length and breadth of the North, thousands are daily enlisting under the banner of Free Sod, and buck¬ ling on their armor to do battle for their country and their God. The great prin¬ ciples of human liberty are sweeping through the land like a raging wild fire, demolishing in their triumphant marCh every subterfuge of the Northern recre¬ ants, and exposing them to the scorching rebuke of an uprising people, determined to maintain their rights.
liike th© Crusade of the Eleventh cen¬ tury, which in its enthusiasm loosened all Europe from its foundations, and huided it upon Asia, so this crusade against the ex¬ tension of the accursed system of human slavery is arousing the whole North in its strength, to the defence of the sacred prin¬ ciples of freedom, and causing every pa¬ triotic heart to vibrate in unison with the call of Liberty, and every breast to swell with indignation at the attempt made to blight the virgin soil of the far west with the curse of human bondage. The ener¬ getic and talented young men of the Free States, born and nourished in freedom, are flocking in crowds to the standard of Free Soil and Free Labor—are rallying under its broad banner and raising their voices against the violation of man's dearest rights. Intelligence from all parts of the North shows how the cause of freedom is bearing down every thing opposed to it.— Roll on the Ball, and let the whole North speak in one voice for freedom at the ballot box next November. Fear not, your cause is just—it must triumph.—Era,
.   WlMit tliey ;TMiiIs.. The following is from the Charleston Mercury, and shows how the wind blows:
"Our readers will perceive by the in¬ telligence from Washington, that the South has been vanquished. The Wdmot Pro¬ viso is incorporated in the Oregon bill, and the poor protection of the Missouri Com¬ promise has been denied by both houses. In the House it was voted down by 121 to 8S, every Representative from the North, with the exception of four voting against it. In the Senate the action of the House in rejecting the Missouri Compromise was concurred in by a vote of 29 to £6—every Northern Senator voting wdth the majori¬ ty, while Benton of Missouri, Houstotr of Texas, Spruance of Delaware, played trai tors to the interest of the States they rep¬ resented. The contumely and insult are complete. There is nothing to be added except the submission of the South to the attempted degredation. The Southern States, by the joint vote of the Senate and House of Representative.s—the unanimous vote of the Northern members, comprising a numerical majority in one House, and the addition of three Southern Senators to the Northern in the other—are pronounc¬ ed inferiors in the Confederacy. There is no protection in party. Whig and Democrat are alike trustless when the is¬ sue is made between the North and the South, and the compromises of the Consti' tution, and the Missouri Compromise, are spumed alike by Whig and Democrat.
0::5="The Taylorites, who cast off all their principles at Philadelphia, are complain- itig that the Free Soil men have stolen all the first rate "Whig" principles, and a- dopted thetn in their platform. A similar achievement was performed in olden times by Pidnce Vol tiger's gi-andsire —for we read that—-
"A painted vest Prince Valtiger had on.
Which from a nnhed Pick his grandsire won*"—jBoslon Eepublican,
NO. 4.
The Wind Chancjed.—-No intelligent observer of the signs of the times, it seems to lis, can have failed to remark the change which has so recently tidcen place in the political atmosphere. For years the pre¬ vailing wind has blown from the South— bla.sting wnth its hot sirocco breath every thing lovely and dear to the hearts of free¬ men. The celebrated Professor Egpy~~ nicknamed Hhe Storm King*—maintained with a goodly show of logic that by kind¬ ling fires in certain, places, he could pro¬ dttee a change of the wind, or beautiful showers, whenever humtm convenience or necessity rendered it desirable. The ex¬ periments of the New York 'Barnburners' have thus far verified the Professor's the¬ ory. The fires they have lighted up on the old watch-towers of liberty, in the Em¬ pire State, are producing even greater phe¬ nomena in the political sky than the potent 'storm king' in the height of his phdosophy ever dreamed of. They have almost com-, plely rectified the course of the wind.— ^Siraios show whieh way the wind blows,^ says the old proverb, and we have watched them, for the past few weeks, with a de¬ gree of interest we never felt before. We cannot be mistaken. They all tell the same story. The loind has shifted! It now blows a stiff, cool breeze from the irorthwest, and from ono end of the coii- tinent to the other the people are inhaling new life. They breathe freer and deeper —more quick—stand stronger! The Star Spangled Banner floats more cheerily — and flings out once more its glorious con-, stellation, every star glittering with hope for the oppre-ssed I
We tell the people the v)ind has changed. Let thetn look to tlte weatheecocks!—Staii- dard.
Hon. j. M. Root.—The Old Hunkers of this gentleman's district appearing dis¬ posed to make adherence to Taylor a test of whiggery, Mr. Boot, in a letter, thus explicitly defines his position:
"So far as I am concerned, I am ready to do all in my power to relieve all em¬ barrassment that my position occasions them. I can neither vote for Taylor nor Cass; and I feel well assured that if the whigs of our district knew as well as I do what kind of motives and instrumentalities produced the nomination of the former by the Philadelphia Convention, not a score of them would vote for him; but I have no quarrel with any of them.
" It is not for rae to say whether I am to be re-nominated or re-elected, nor by whom it shall be done, if done at all. I have neither changed or abandoned any part of the old Whig creed; but I adhere to it, and shall. If a majority of the electors in the district desire me to represent them in Congress, I shall not object; but if they desire another to represent them they can elect him.
"I am for Free Men and Free Land, mid hold 7nyself in readiness to defend them whenever they may be assailed. If I shall only by the action of the political parties of our district, be relieved from the duties of a candidate, I may find time to address my fellow citizens on the state of the na¬ tion."
From the JV, Y. Evening Pod.
Fi'ecaloaii vs. Slavery."
Martin Van Bueen.—I am in favor of prohibiting by law the introduction of sla¬ very into territory now free,
Lewis Cass—1 will veto any law pro¬ hibiting slavery in territories now free.
Gen. Taylor—I say nothing on that subject, I keeps mu m. 'I'he Yankees guess I'm for freedom. The slaveholders rekon I'm for Slavery ; but as I have myself only 300 slaves, I let thentrekon ixndguess.
The People—We no go General, you must show your colors.       anti-smoice.
Liberty.—The right to carry Slavery into free territory.
Equality.—The three-fifths Slave rep¬ resentation.
Fraternity.—Two Hunkers of the old parties damning the Bolters.
A Spectacle to laugh at.—A Cass man and a Taylor man, who.ge faces as so covered with unbaked bread that they cannot stir a muscle, trying to call each other dough face.
Stupidity.—Asking Gen. Taylor for an opinion on politics.—Akron Platform.
Save me probi riy friends.—If any one ever htid reason to fear his friends more than the crowned heads of Europe do Geni Cass, it is poor misrepresented Gen. Tay¬ lor. The Whigs insist upon running him for the Presidency, and he insists that he is not the "candidate of the party;" the Whigs insist that "he is pledged," as the Indiana State Journal says, "not to inter¬ pose the veto on this question" of slavery extension, when he declares he is not pledg¬ ed ; the Whigs insist that he is a Free Soil man, while the old General tells his brazen foul libelers to look at his own soil—that which he owns, and see for themselves, that it is not Feee Soil. It can't be that he reads the paper.?, or he would take a mili- tary.turn on these friends—Cin. Signal.
An Exq.uisite Bull—A Mr. Pollard^ one of the Baltimore Reformed Drunk¬ ards, recently in a speech before a tern-' perance assemblage, made the following unique bull: "Fathers," exclaimed he with the most ardent enthusiasm, " j^-ou have chOdren; or if you have not, your daugh¬ ters may have."
0:^ John Van Buren, it is said, was of¬ fered a foreign mission if he would cease his oppo.sitioa to Cass. He replied that he prefered the home missionary service,