The Free Soil Banner Vol I. No. 07.

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EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY" W. B. GREER & L. WALLACE.]
HE IS THE FREEMAN, WHOM TRUTH MAKES FREE; AND ALL ARE SLAVES BESIDE."
[PRINTED BY DOUGLASS & ELDER.
YOL. I.
INDIANAPOLIS, FRIDAY,  OCTOBEIl 6,  1848.
NO. 7.
^^
PUBLICATION OFFICE  OF THE
BANNER IS ON
PENNSYLVANIA STEEET,
Three doors north of Washington Street.
Song of the Free Soilers.
TtjHE—''^Camphilt's are Con.ing."
Hurrah! for our cause—let each man put his heart in. And join in the song we are singing for Martin: Free Koil is our pledge—its success we are sure in, As -rce work, hand in hand, for Martin Van Eiiren.
CHOBUS.
Free Soilers are coming, oh! ho, oh ! ho— Free Soilers are'coming, oh 1 ho, oh I ho—
From mountain and valley,
They meet and ihev rally,
They never will dally—oh! ho—oh ! ho.
The North aod theSouth shall no longer be kneeling, For changed are the purpose, the will, and the feeling: The path we have chosen is wiser and better, Than, with party, to cling to the iron-bound fetter.
Free Soil we will have--work without melancholy, For toil to the freemen is pleasant and holy; We'll bow to no power but the Spirit who gave us Such hearts—that Tyrants shall never enslave us,
One effort, my Brother—one pull altogether. And the balance of party is light as a feather: One party is trembling—hurrah! for our thunder, And the other—believe me—goes tumbling under.
Then Freedom and Labor shall hold sweet com¬ munion:
The Rich and the Poor find a brotherly union;
The record of time tell of Liberty's story,
And "Our Country" again be the watch-word of glory.
CHQEUS.
Free Soilers are coming, &c.
Tlie Buffalo Moiiiiiiation§-=Cliatt= ces of tlie Election, of Mr. Tan Buren.
The Hunker press of both parties are perfectly spasmodic on the subject of the Buffalo nominations. The Phila¬ delphia Bulletin remarks as follows up¬ on the prospecl of the Free Soil nomi¬ nees:
"We have been considerably surpris¬ ed to hear as we have from more than one quarter, that Indiana, Illinois, and even Michigan, are full of the 'Free S,oir enthusiasm, and that Van Buren has a chance in each of those Stales. A gentleman who professes to know, and whohas justleft Illinoissays that the 'free soil' nominee will carry that State. Of course such statements must be re¬ ceived with caution. But the improba¬ bility of the case is not really so great as appears at first blush. A defection of one thii'd from each party, united to the abolition strength, would give Van Buren the electoral vote of any, or all of those Commonwealths. Is it too much to suppose that one-third of the Democrats would prefer Van Buren to Oass, or that one-third of the Whigs would vote for him and 'free soil,' in preference to voting for^Taylor? For ourselves, we do not pretend to decide this very nice and delicate question. We leave it to those who better under¬ stand the complexion of parties, and the state of public opinion in the great west. The political field presents altogether the most curious conjuncture of circum¬ stances ever .seen; and it would bafBe a file leader to tell the result. One thing only is certain—somebody must win.
"Here is Indiana! In 1844 it polled 67,867 votes for Clay, 70,181 for Polk, and 2,106 for Birney. Now suppose: Van Buren takes off one-third of the Whig votes, viz: 22,622; and one-third ot the Democratic, viz: 23,393; these together would give him 46,015. Now add the obolition vote to this, viz: 2,106, and we have his whole vote, viz; 40,121. If then we take the vote for Cass, w^hich would be 70,181 less 23,393, we have a poli for him of only 46,788, or 1,500 less than Van Buren would get. The vote for Taylor would be 67,857, less 21,622, 45,245, which wonld place him nearly 2,600 votes behind Van Buren, To recapitulate, we have for the three candidates, calculating on the vote of 1844:
Van Buren,        -        -        48,121 Cass, -        -   ^   -        46,788
Taylor, - - - 45,244 "Of course there will be more votes polled in 1848 than in 1844; but the re¬ sult will be the same, if the relative strength of the Whigs and Democrats remains the same. A similar calcula¬ tion for Ohio would show for
Van Buren,      -        -        109,442 Cass,       -       -       - 99,411
Taylor,   -        -        -         103,371 «Ifwe turn to the New England States we shall find the same surprising results.    The vote of Massachusetts in 1844, was 67,000 for Clay, 53,039 for Polk, and 10,880 for Birney,    Now a defection of one-third from each of the old parties, united to the abolition vote, would give the following result: Van Buren,        -        -        50,348 Taylor,      -        -        -        44,670 Cass, -        -        -        35,360
"Connecticut, in like manner, would be carried by Van Buren, if he could secure a third of the Whig and Demo¬ cratic vote, and the whole of the abo¬ lition vote. Michigan also would be his under similar circumstances; while he would miss Vermont by only a few votes. New Hampshire would give him, in such a contingency, her electo¬ ral VOte by a clear thousand majority.
in a word, ip the Free Soil principles! are disseminiUed as ardently as Hale and Corwin contend, Van Buren's nom¬ ination will put the old parlies into 'bodily fear,' and send the election in¬ to the House."
. Cten. Cass and Slavery.
The Wilmot Proviso, it is known, was first passed' in the House at the close of the session of 1846, and came up in the Senate on the last day of the session. No vote was taken on it in the Senate, on account of Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, having occupied the floor in speaking on it until within a few moments of adjournment. The records of the Senate do not therefore show the position of Mr. Cas.s on this subject at that time ; but there is un¬ questionable evidence to prove that he was then a Proviso man.
At the Utica Convention, George Rathbun, who was a member of Con¬ gress in 1846, made a statement from which we extract tbe following:
"I knew very well the views of Gen. Cass in August, 1846. * * On the day that Congress adjourned, and at the time that Senator Davis, of Mas¬ sachusetts, spoke up to the. adjourn¬ ment of the Senate, on the Wilmot Proviso, I met Gen. Cass at the rail¬ way depot at Washington, and sat near to him, 'and conversed freely with him between that place and Baltimore. He appeared somewhat excited,spoke free¬ ly and wnth a good deal of energy on the subject of the Proviso. He stated to me that every northern Democratic Senator had agreed to vote for it, and but for Mr. Davis's speech, would have voted for it. He said repeatedly that he regretted very much that he could not have recorded his vote for it before the adjournment. . This continued to be his language nil the way to Michi¬ gan, as I under.'jtand."
At the next session of Congress the Proviso came up again in connection with the Three million bill. Gen. Cass then said that lie was in favor of the principle of the Proviso, but thought it improper to incorporate it in that bill. The question could properly be passed upon, he said, when the territory was acquired, and governments had to be provided for it.
We have, then, Gen. Cass anxious to vote for the Proviso in 1846, and in March, 1847, still in favor of the prin¬ ciple included in it. But in January, 1848, something had changed the spirit of his dream. He had found the Pro¬ viso unconstitutional. He w^role to a man named Nicholson, of Tennessee, a relation of James K. Polk, assuring him that be could find no power in the constitution for the Wilmot Proviso.
The arguments advanced in this Nicholson letter, were not original with Gen. Cass. They were the same as those advanced by the opponents of the Proviso, when Lewis Cass avowed himself its friend. Those arguments did not convince him then of the un- constiiutionality of ihe Proviso. Some¬ thing more powerful than those argu- mentsmusthave operated convincingly upon him.
What w^as it ? The Alabama Her¬ ald, of June 1847, gives an inkling thereof, as follows :
"The Democratic papersat the North are becoming alarmed at the resolute stand taken in the South against the Wilmot Proviso, As long as the op¬ position here was confined to an ex¬ pression of disapprobation in general terms, (the usual Southern mode of getting rid of surplus indignation,) our northern friends took it very uncon¬ cernedly. Now that we begin to think of voting for no man in the Presiden¬ tial election who will not pledge him¬ self to veto that Proviso, our friends in the Northern States begin to prick up their ears. Some of them begin to calculate the cost of the agitation, and think the best way is to drop the mat¬ ter entirely. They are discussing what is due to the compromises of the Con¬ stitution."
The Charleston Mercury, of Jan. 1848, discourseth thus:
'•The approach of the mighty strug¬ gle for spoils^the Presidential election —and the disasti^ous defeat which awaits the democratic party in that great con¬ test unless the North and South can be united, have brought forth a letter from Mr. Buchanan, and a speech from Mr. Dallas, resolutions in the Senate from Mr. Dickenson, and within a few days, a letter from Gen. Cass."
So, then, it was the threat of the South, that they would oppose any man who did not pledge himself to veto the Proviso, that closed the eyes of Gen. Cass to the constitutionality of that measure. The dark body of the South, menacing defeat, loomed up between him and the constitution, until he was unable to see one of its plainest pro¬ visions. Like the man who held a dol¬ lar before his eyes, and found that he could see nothing beyond it, Lewis Cass finds the political power of the South between his vision and the con¬ stitution, and he can see nothing in that
sacred instrument but what the South permits him to see.
The South, by threatening lo with¬ hold its vote from all but anti-proviso men, ha.s extorted the men of its choice from both parties. But the South is unable to elect a President, of itself. It must have Northern assistance. It hns extorted its own candidates from the north; but to complete its success, it must also extort northern support for those candidates. If thnt support be giveif, it will be given with the full knowledge of the fact that all the inte¬ rests of Freedom and Free Labor are sacrificed thereby. Democrats, will you support Lewis Cass? He has bar¬ tered your interests, and of your de- scendant.s forever, for the vote of the South, and W'iil you ratify the bargain? The bargain will be worthless unless you do. Go, then, if you will be false to yourself and your posterity, if you will stab Freedom upon her own hearth, and immolate her upon her own altar, go do it boldly, with the eye of your conscience to the result, and your face towards those whom you would betray.
The north can withhold her vote from the candidates of the Soutii, and elect a candidate of her own, if she chooses. She has the power if she has the will, If the. South triumphs now, she tri¬ umphs honorably, and with your as- .sistance.; She tells you what she wants, and what she intends to do, if you will let her. If you want lo defeat her, im¬ itate her example. Vote for no man who is not in favor of liberty, and the days of southern domination will be over. Candidates will then hereafter bow to you, instead of to the South, and look at the constitution through your spectacles.—Free Soil Union,
"Tlie acts" of JLewis Cass.
RKVISED   AND    CORRECTED,   W'lTH    NOTES,
THE TEXT TAKEN FROM THE ORlGI-r
NAL HUNKER PAPERS.
"Who is Gen. Cass?—The man who with a single dash of the pen, defeated the five greatest European powers."
While it required two dashes of the same pen to defeat himself^—the sig¬ natures of the Nicholson and Chicago letters.
"The man who usserted successfully the freedom of. the seas against the grasping hands of England."
And yields willingly the freedom of our territories to the grasping avarice of the South.
"The man who received the confi¬ dence of Jefferson at the early age of 24 years."
And lost that of the people when he was 65.
"The man who has invariably con¬ tended, during the war, for his country, her honor, and her rights."
Having an eye at the same time, to his own election.
"The man whose character and good conduct, every Democratic President, from Jefferson to the present day offi¬ cially endorsed."
And found themselves obliged to re¬ deem their ovv'n paper—the principal being good for nothing.
"The man who sat for years in the cabinet of Andrew Jackson, the co¬ worker of that great patriot in the cause of republicanism."
And afterwards brought water from the river Jordan, for his patriot friend, Louis Philiippe, to baptize the Comte de Paris with, the heir apparent of the French throne.
''The man who first set hostile foot on British territory,in the war of 1812."
And whose services ended with set¬ ting his foot there.
"The man whom the raonarchs of Europe fear, and the oppressed people of Europe love."
Because he "writes a book in favor of the kings, and votes against allowing a government ship to carry relief to the starving millions of the people.
'^The man who will, if elected Pres¬ ident, oppose by every constitutional means, every attempt of a foreign pow^- er to plant their colonies upon the western continent."
In order to give the slaveholders ex¬ clusive benefit of planting slavery in New Mexico and California, and of an¬ nexing Cuba.
"The man who is destined to lead the Democratic party to an old fash¬ ioned Jackson victory. Such is Lewis Cass."
Perhaps.—Free Soil Advocate.
Hotv IT Works.—^^Charles J. Inger- sol! and Charles Brown, members of the last Congress, who voted against the Wilmot Proviso, have failed to re¬ ceive a nomination for re-election.
For the Dailjj .Advertiser. I^etting^ Besperate. It -seems strange to what dt^grees men wnll be driven by party shackles: even pledge their unreserved support to candidates, regardless of principle, and even to the utter abandonment of all principles. Since the Bufialo Con¬ vention, Taylorites have grown desper¬ ate; some of them, unhe.silating, affirm that " Tavlor shall have their votes, though they knew that he wonld carry out every Loco measure that ivas ever advanced by that pt^rty. Where now, are all the glorious " Whig principles inscribed on our banner?" Are you brother whigs nobly battling lor prin¬ ciples, and not for men and party, and yet vote for a man though he might, and even should be pledged to oppose your entire creed? And we poor " Free Soil" men are every thing but honest men, because we will not vote for a man regardless of principle.— This is certainly a noble stand to oc¬ cupy; only think of such a position.— " Though Taylor should, with ever so many letters go ever so much against Whig principles, I shall not read his letters, hut shall vole for him any how.^^ If ihat is not " going it blind," we do not know what such a feat would be. This is making a liter¬ al interfection and application of a certain declaration; though he slay me,' yet, I will trust in him." Tho old say¬ ing that, "the more you whip a spaniel the better he will love you," is being realized, and that too, "with a ven¬ geance."
This proves the position taken at the Buffalo Convention to be true, that the only contest is between liiberty and Slavery. When men openly declare that they will vote for a slaveholder irrespective of his principles, we must infer that Slavery is the great idea, the " sine qua non" of their aspiration, the desideratum of all their elibrts. How inconsistent for such men claim to be Free Soil men, and that " that question should not' be brought in to politics, when so many great questions are be¬ fore the people." "Great questions" presented as issues! and in the same breath declare that " we will go for Taylor, though he carry out every Loco measure ever advocated by that party." Thia looks like " grenf mpns;. ures" before the people for their con¬ sideration. And if vou Taylorites can drop all these "GREAT MEAS¬ URES," for the sake of electing a slaveholder--T,we. can drop them for the sake of the great heaven-born prin¬ ciple (3f HUMAN LIBERTY! "Oh! but this Free "^oil party are not hon¬ est in their professions; but the Whigs have been a Free Soil party for twenty years."
Let us look at the evidences of hon¬ esty on both sides of the question.— The BulTalo Convention adopted resolu¬ tions, affirming that Congress should make all our territory Free Territory; and nominated men who hold and avow the same principles. The Whig party utterly refused to pass any such resolutions, and nominated a man who will say no such thing. Who has the best claim lo the name of Free Soil? The people will please decide.
"Stolen Whig thunder" have we.— We suppose that this must be a figura¬ tive expression, and has reference to the "natural thunder." Now, this is a report that follows, and some limes a great while after the "lightning" has done the work. This is whig thunder, is it? Well, it is really appropriate; thoy do most always "report" and " thunder" after the " vvork is all done," they are really somewhat noted for this kind of" thunder," and never more so, than at the present time. No we have not "stolen your thunder," we do not use the article, but have been some¬ what used to "lightning," or rather ewhghtning, and hear the " report of thunder" for the "Gineral" and his poetry of " Bragg's." alpha.
Ne\v Soitilierai l>ictioiiary.
Compromise—Ttjking the whole.
Conces.non—Glorifying slavery as a "sacred" institution.
Harmony—Keeping   slill    when kicked.
Patriotism—Voting for a southern slaveholder or northern slave.
F'reechmi'—Thc right to extend slave¬ ry.
Chivalry—Manifesting a disposition to j.ilay the hangman.
Consistency—-GU)v'd\'mg the exten¬ sion of freedom in Europe, and labor¬ ing for the extension of slavery in America.
Stalcwian—A man wdio never held a civil oflice, but who does hold 280 slaves.
Constitution--A rusted weathercock, always pointing south.
Democracy—Allowing 250,000 slave holders to rule the nation.
Religion—A belief in the infallibility of John C. (Jalhoun.
Humbug—"All men are created free and equal."
Ti-aiior--One who is not inclined to let us have our own way.
Hanker—One of our non-resident slaves, who never rebels under the se¬ verest infliction of the hish.—HamiUon Reflector.
only seems to strengthen the confidence of the friends of Gen. Cass—not their own efforts, not in their wisdom, not in their discretion, but arising from the folly, the weaknes.s, the imbecility of those whigs who call themselves the supporters of Gen. Taylor. We have conventions and mass meetings in New York and New England ; but unless some new spirit springs up among the great body of the people, the luke- warmness produced by the Taylor whig party in New York, by the whig jour¬ nals of this metropolis, and Mr. Web¬ ster's friends in Massachusetts, wiil produce their legitimate results in ihe defeat of the hero of Buena Vista.
The population of ancient Syracuse was equal to that of Paris. Now there are not 1,000 inhabitants, and not a ship in the port.
Good,'—While the steamer Michigan was lying in Detroit, on a trip down, a raw-boned hoosier entered the cabin, and confronting a large pier glass which is framed, and set something like a stateroom door, carelessly, addressed his reflected image with the inquiry—-
"When's this boat goin'eout?"
Pending the answer, heleisurely cast his eyes round the cabin, surveying the accommodations, and receiving no response, he hailed again—
" I say, yeou, when's this 'ere boat goin' eout?"
tie received no response but a loud guffaw from the chambermaid, who witnessed the scene, and indignantly turned on his heel, soliloquising—"Sid- able stuck up, that chap; needen't been quite .so proud, for he diden't look as if he was 7nuch, any how!"
"It is melancholly to reflect," says the Daily News, "that while all the as¬ pirations of the old world tend in the direction of freedom, the question which chiefly agitates the new is that of the extension and perpetuation of Slavery."
The mortification and chagrin of the Taylor men at Webster's speech are unbounded. Some make a vain at¬ tempt to conceal it, while others "speak right out in meeting" about it. Among the latter, is the New York Herald, wdtose editor discourses as follows in relation to it :
The speech: of Mr. Webster, has created in this community, in all par¬ ties, a very odd and .lingular sensation. In foriner days, when Mr. Webster was called on by the New England manufacturers, he generally made a splendid and powerful speech oh his side of Mason and Dixon's line. Wheth¬ er the profits of the manufacturers in those days had some inlluence in pro¬ ducing those bursts of eloquence, is a question to be solved by future philoso¬ phers and fools. It is certain,how-ever, thatMr. Webster's position and speech, in the present political crisis of the country, with regard to Gen. Taylor,
ui'O     tho    ivioot;     -wiiiliy i-i-rtoliv,    mill    tlio
wet^kest that ever came from that quar¬ ter. From beginning to end, he seems to he making an fl'^o/o^-?/for supporting a mail so ignorant in public affairs, as even he himself represents Gen. Tay¬ lor. He damns his own candidate with faint praise. While the obscure friends of Mr.Clay still boldly and chivalrously seem to be foremost in assailing Gen. Taylor to his face, Mr. Webster and his friends seem to place themselves in a position of half and half assassins— smiling with one cheek, while there is a scorn on the other, and the dagger itself is about being directed to some place under the fifth rib.
The folly of the Whig journals in New Y^ork, which, while professing to support, Gen. Taylor, were, at the same time disgusting and calumniating a large class of our naturalized citizens by ta¬ king the side of British tyranny against Irish freedom, was not more suicidal to ihe cause of Gen, Taylor than appear to be the speeches, the sentiments, the allusions, and the temper displayed in the famous address delivered at Marsh field. Even the anti-masonic move¬ ment of Thurlow Weed & Co., at Al¬ bany, who endeavored to get up a pre¬ mature indignation meeting against the hero of Buena Vista, w\\\ not be able to injure the cause so much in this State, or in New England, as the faint, studied, and elaborate praise which was bestowed on Gen. Taylor, from the lips of Mr. Webster.
The surest way to destroy a popular man is to become his friend, win his confidence, and then betray him. Such appears to bo' the policy of the New York and New England whigs, even that portion of them who,still cling to the Philadelphia nomination. If Gen. Cass should be elected next November, he will not have to bestow his thanks on those leading whigs of New York and New England, who, while they af¬ fect to support the nomination made by their own Convention in Philadelphia, yet pursue such a course as the whig- journals of New York have done all summer, and adopt such insane meas¬ ures as Thurlow Weed and the anti- masonic portion of the whig party have done in Albnny, or make such a speech, and promulgate such sentiments, as came from the lips of Mr. Webster last week in Marshfield. The defeat of Mr. Clay's nomination in Philadelphia divided the whig party, and disgusted the old standing personal partizans of the Ashland statesman; but the portion of the whig part}^ who stuck to the nomination, have, since last June, be¬ trayed even more folly, more silliness, and more want of wisdom and discern- tnent than the friends of Mr. Clay did in bolting outright, when the nomina¬ tion was made.
As matters now stand, every day
The Greatest Iluinbug^.
Ex-Governor Jones, the slaveholder from Tennessee, imported by the Tay¬ lorites for the purpose of cajoling Northern men into the support of the great Mexican-killer, in his meeting at Rochester, N. Y., a few days since, denounced the Wilmot Proviso as a "sheer humbug, entirely unworthy the notice of Whigs—the greatest humbug in God Almighty's world!"
We should think the whigs generally, concurred in this opinion, from the fact that they have nominated Zack Taylor as their candidaie for the Presidency. How long will they affect a regard to the Proviso ? Not long, we think, if there is any reliance to be placed upon present indications. The "American Patriot," a Taylor paper published at Norwich, attempts to show that as the President has only executive powers, his opinions are not of much conse¬ quence. It then goes on to say : " if we are correct in this view of the sub¬ ject, why should such a question as the Wilmot Proviso be brought into a Pres¬ idential election ?" Sure enough. It is a very troublesome question to Norh- ern doughfaces, and one which they would be glad to shirk if possible. We warn the advocates of the Wilmot Pro¬ viso, that they are betrayed by their pretended friends at the North, who are ready to sacrifice it to the success of either Cass or Taylor. The cry now is, "Don't bring it into the Presi¬ dential election; it properly belongs to the members of Congress." Ah ! the atrful dodgers !     Like their antetypes
of   tKo  oldoii xlixy, tilt:J cllC   very ixrciao
to being tormented before their time, — Charter Oak.
For the Rochester Daily -Advertisei:
"A liittle more IVliiggery, General Taylor."
Mr. Editor: For the benefit of those who try to persude themselves that Gen. Taylor will, if elected, administer the government on whig principles, and are laying the "flattering unction to their souls" that, by his election, a whig Administration will be secured to the country, I ask you to give place to the following, taken from his letter to Col. Mitchell, of Ohio, dated February 12, 1848:
"I deem it but candid to add, that if the whig parly desire, at the next Pres¬ idential election, to cast their votes for me, they must do it on their own res¬ ponsibility, and without any pledges from me, should I be elected to that oflice, I should deem it lo be my duiy^ and should certainly claim the right.^ not to look to ihe principles of a party, for rules or actions.^''
It may be ungenerous to present our whig friends with such a cold collation at this juncture of their affairs, but I certainly hope they will not consider me uncharitable.   Yours, &c.,
LEO.
The Spirit in the l¥est.
Accounts from Ohio, Michigan, and W'^isconsin, give the most gratifying as¬ surance of success lo the cause of Free¬ dom. A correspondent from Wiscon¬ sin, says that young sister of the Com¬ monwealth is sure to cast her first .vote for Van Buren and the cause of Lib¬ erty. The True Democrat, published at Ann Arbor, Michigan, contains let¬ ters from correspondents in every por¬ tion of the State, breathing one unani¬ mous feeling of favor for the Buffalo nominee.?; while a writer, whohas been stumping it through Ohio, says that State is sure for our candidates. But it is not alone in the west, that the fire of Liberty is burning so brightly. The east reflects its light, and Old Fanueil Hall reveberates with an echo to the prairie thunders of the giant West.— Western Atlas.
A .solemn philosopher announced as the result of his deliberate reflections, that it was a remarkable evidence of the goodness of Providence, that great rivers always run by great towns. It was the same "great scientificker," who explained the phenomena of expansion by heat, and contraction by cold, with the irrefragable illustration that in sum¬ mer, when it is hot, the days stretched out very long—but in winter, when it w\is cold, they contracted until they became very short indeed !