Issue 124, Saoirse: Irish Freedom (August, 1997)

              uimh124 lunasa — august 1997 50p usa 1 feis na poblachta 1997 satharn 13umeanf6mhair 2pm faoi chaibidil an proiseas reatha / 1 798 tnag bliain ar an saol an chulturlann baile na manach co bhac new ceasefire same sell-ou anoth injured nationalist on the garvaghy road 1997 the provisionals unequivocal restoration of their unilateral and unconditional ceasefire on july 20 followed shortly after the laying out of that organisation's agenda for the stormont talks the key element is their this is particularly relevant underlying acceptance of the given that gerry adams has said privately to dublin unionist position by agreeing to go along with the outcome of the talks based as they are on the unionist veto commentators were quick to point to provisional spokespersons who are on record as saying that a united ireland is not the only democratic option and that they may sign up to an interim settlement republican sinn fein stated on july 18 that another provisional ceasefire would expose as never before the provisionals reformist policy which seeks to make british rule in ireland acceptable unlike other elements who opposed the provo ceasefire this time although they equivocated on the issue in 1994 there was no hesitation by republican sinn fein either in 1994 or on this occasion it is clear from gerry adams statement in the irish news belfast july 17 that his organisation will seek a renegotiation of the union at the stormont talks rather than british withdrawal from ireland that they seek only a new stormont rather than a new ireland free of british rule during the provisionals earlier ceasefire republican sinn fein said that it could not provide a just and lasting peace because it did not involve a process of british disengagement another false peace in july 1997 means that the british have secured new allies for the restructuring of their rule in ireland the question also needs to be asked at this time will the provisionals police their new ceasefire for the british government and have they given prior assurances to do so to establishment figures that he knows that the talks outcome will be a new stormont with nationalist participation at every level and a new six county police force with nationalist involvement at every level but he cannot say that publicly yet ... this process has been and will continue to be heavily dependant on such partitionist fudges and ambivalences to try to convince republicans and nationalists to go down such a constitutional nationalist dead end indeed one commentator has characterised the endeavour of arguing for a united ireland at the stormont talks as like trying to dig a tunnel to the moon that the current process is built on sand was shown clearly during july by the british labour government's capitulation much more easily than the previous major-mayhew tory administration to loyalist threats over drumcree the unionists can obviously repeat this performance at every critical stage with an equal assurance that the british will give way to them again having once again lost the will to rule in the six counties the british must get out in a planned phased and orderly manner the only sure basis for the future lies in an nine-county ulster within a four-province irish federation free from british interference no section of the irish people would dominate any other in a situation of maximum local power • massive force was employed against the nationalist residents of the garvaghy road for the third year running by the british who always capitulate to loyalist threats of violence 16th anniversary of the1981 hunger strike bundoran commemoration and rally 3pm saturday august 30 speakers michael mcmanus fermanagh michael donnelly derry also speakers and bands from ireland and us